INDIA: INDIC

UDAYA NARAYANA SINGH

n Introduction

Each country under report would seem to present a very distinct scenario which could be of interest for an understanding of the trend of research in a given space. I shall concentrate only on published works in journals and anthologies originating from India that deal with some aspect of Indic linguistics. The essays and books mentioned here were all published between 1990 and 1997. In dealing with a vast country such as India with a large number of publishers, and publication interest in a lot of ‘allied’ or ‘related’ disciplines such as Indology, Jain Studies, Literary Studies, Logic, Philosophy, Religious Studies, Sanskrit, or Textual Analysis, it is not possible to cover every aspect of Indic linguistics.

Further, personally I would have liked to add at least doctoral dissertations produced in India in both departments of linguistics and Indic languages to the list of 264-odd entries given in the references here. Out of 255-odd authors (including co-authors) mentioned in this report, 26 are Indians residing and teaching in the USA, Canada, and different European countries, accounting for 22 entries, i.e. 9.4 percent of the studies under report. I guess these would also be covered partly under the reports on North America or on various Western countries. Similarly, Indian authors (permanently residing in India) publishing in non-Indian journals have not been mentioned as they are generally much fewer in number, and are also expected to be covered by others. The focus, thus, has been on work that often goes unnoticed, or even unmentioned in the Western studies on Indic because of a lack of a forum on South Asian languages such as The Yearbook.

n 2. General Trends

Let us make certain general observations first. We notice a major shift taking place in the 1990s in Indic linguistics in India (which may not be exactly so in the case of Dravidian studies in India) where there is greater concentration on Modem Indian Languages (MIL). As against about 24 entries on Old Indo- Aryan (alA), 35 on historical-comparative aspect of Indic languages, and just four on the medieval period, i.e. 63 entries, MIL is covered in 254 entries- some being common between the two. Thus, for every work on OIA/MIA, there are four studies in the field of New Indo-Aryan (NIA) languages.

Second, and this is probably bound to happen-some Indian languages have received a lot of attention, while a large number of major Indian tongues have been left unresearched. There are constitutionally recognized important languages (with vibrant literature) such as Assamese, Gujarati, Nepali and Konkani (the last two having been recently recognized) which have received very little attention (between one to five studies on each)-just as smaller languages such as Bangani, Bhojpuri, Gojri, Jaunsari, Lahnda, Magahi, Newari and Pahari which have between one and three entries each. In comparison, Marathi (12), Kashmiri (11), and Maithili (11) seem to have attracted more scholars. It is not hard to guess where most researchers have concentrated- on Hindi (70 entries), Bengali (35), Oriya (24), Urdu (21), and Panjabi (16)- which together account for 166 out of 254, i.e. 65 percent of research on NIA.

Third, contrary to popular belief that Indian linguists have chosen the easier path of research by way of concentrating on applied areas of linguistics, the fact of the matter is that only about 51.01 percent of the entries refer to applied topics, whereas 32.13 percent are hardcore descriptions that could be classified under one grammatical level or another, with another 16.86 percent entries being in other core areas such as historical-comparative, contrastive or language typology.

Fourth, it is, however, true that about 28.54 percent of our research interests have enriched areas such as Sociolinguistics and Sociology of Language. The reason is not difficult to guess, I suppose. Since India is beset with so many language conflicts and language problems, and since there has been enormous interest among Western scholars who had earlier (since the 1960s-recall the studies by Bright or Gumperz?) done a lot of studies on bilingualism, speech community, standardization, modernization, code-switching, language movement, and language planning, these topics have continued to interest a large number of Indian linguists until now.

n 3. Core Linguistics

§ 3.1 Phonetics and Phonology

In Acoustic Phonetics, there have been very few studies in recent times, although earlier generation scholars such as R.N. Srivastava, Peri Bhaskararao, Manjari Ohala, Svetislav Kostic, Prabhakar Jha, Ramawtar Yadav and so many others had already set a healthy tradition of research in this area. Dixit (1994) reported on velopharyngeal function in nasal and nasalized sound production, and Sadanand and Vijayakrishnan (1993) studied pitch patterns in producing Panjabi glottal fricatives, whereas both Jha (1991) and Ghosh (1995) looked at gemination. A team of scholars, including Ch. Purei- hanba Singh, S.R. Singh B.D. Mishra and H.S. Maheshwari, in 1996 studied the effect of preceding vowels in the fundamental frequencies of Hindi utterance. In comparison, Dasgupta (1994) on the cluster [-ng-], Joseph (1993) on clusters in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Tamil-in a contrastive framework, something like Shuja’s (1997) work n Urdu and English, or Prabhakar Rao’s (1996) on creating a computational model for Hindi consonants have their counterpart in Sukhvinder Singh (1993) who worked on Panjabi schwa-deletion.

In the other areas under ‘Phonetics’, there are some not-so-serious studies such as Shubhashree Ganguly (1991) who worked to create a standard pronunciation for Doordarshan, and quite a few serious ones like Modi (1994) (on mid-vowels), and a series of three essays by Mohanty (1993a, 1997a, and. 1997b) all enriched this more-or-less neglected area. Modi (1994) based her paper on data from several Gujarati dialects to prove that there is no contrast between oral and nasal vowels at mid-position, and that the emergence of nasal vowels in Gujarati did not result in corresponding increase in the inventory of vowels. Further, evolution of two mid-vowels in certain dialects of Gujarati at the oral level did not create oral-nasal distinction at all.

On syllable, Chaudhary (1994) continued working on syllable types and conspiracies in Maithili, and Misra (1991) on Konkani syllable structure, whereas on declusterization, Madhu Bala (1994) has been a lone study. There have been two full-fledged essays in the area of Panjabi phonology in the same journal (Osmania Papers in Linguistics [OPIL}) one related to sound change and the other to tonemics: Sukhvinder Singh (1993) and Sadanand and Vijayakrishnan (1993).

In an essay titled ‘Consonant clusters in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Tamil’ in PICL Journal of Dravidic Studies or PJDS, Joseph (1993) enumerated the phonologi cal processes in these languages and presented a data-oriented study of the increase in the rate of formation of consonant clusters in Sanskrit and Prakrit and how Tamil treated the Sanskritic clusters.

§ 3.2. Morphology

On certain areas in morphology, there has been no work at all. These include adjectivals and classifiers/quantifiers. On adverbs, Ananthanarayana (1993) (on space/deixis), Hook and Joshi (1991) (concordant adverbs) are worth- mentioning. Dasgupta (1993c) begins with the problem of ‘Bhaashaa barnonaar star’ or ‘Levels of grammatical description’, and goes on to deal with a number of unresolved problems at the border of morphology and syntax (Dasgupta 1993e), or ‘word’ and ‘morpheme’ (especially in Dasgupta 1990a and 1996)-but more importantly, in a series of essays originally written and published in Bengali, he deals with various topics in morphology-pronominals (Dasgupta 1990b and 1992a), indeclinable (Dasgupta 1991a), noun phrase (Dasgupta’s 1992b review of Malaya Gangopadhyay's (1995) book titled The Noun Phrase in Bengali: Assignment of Role and Kaaraka Theory) and deixis (Dasgupta 1992b). Talking about deixis, in his ‘Spatial deixis in Old lndo- Aryan’ H.S. Ananthanarayana (1993) replaces an earlier three-way contrast of here/there/beyond with further sub-divisions into definite and indefinite where a two-way contrast made by locative adverbs, demonstratives and other lexical elements is important.

On case-marking and clitics, Kashi Wali's (1994) study on ergatives, Mohanty's (1994) work differentiating between Bengali and Oriya patterns, or his other work (Mohanty 1993c) where he looks at this problem from the viewpoint of translational problem between these two languages, or Tara Mohanan's (1993) paper on ‘Case alternation on objects in Hindi’ are worth mentioning. Dalai (1996), dealing with use of post positions as case markers in Oriya, and Hook and Joshi (1991) on postposition in Gujarati also fall in this area. Abbi (1991) deals with dative case but can be actually considered to be a contribution to the debate on ‘subjecthood’ in syntax-semantics interface. Similar studies dealing with morpho-syntactic problem of combinability of verbs (especially in the compound verb construction in Indic languages), there have been many studies: Hook and Koul (1992b) on Kashmiri, Arun (1992) on Hindi, Gopalakrishnan and Anvita Abbi (1992) on several Indian languages, Alibha Dakshi (1996) on BangIa, and Nespital (1997) on many Indian languages. Hook (1993) gives seven variables influencing the use of the compound verb in Hindi-Urdu.

There are others who deal with either a specific verb, such as Malshe (1994) on the verb ‘have’, or the TAM-marking as in Lakshmi Bai and Mukherji (1992), or variations in verb agreement (in the context of Nepali as in Genetti [1993], or Mohanty [1990c, 1992b] on Oriya gender-agreement), or more general issues such as the form and function of verbals (in Panjabi as Puar [1991] had done). There have, however, been some interesting studies on verb agreement during this period but many of these have more syntactic orientation. For instance, Patnaik (1995) discusses a construction in which non-nominative subject, carrying a lexical suffix ra-which is otherwise homophonous with the genitive marker-triggers verbal agreement and offers an analysis of the construction based on theta-role related distinction between two types of lexical suffixes in the language. The same 1995 volume of Indian Linguistics has Gillon’s paper ‘The autonomy of word formation: Evidence from Classical Sanskrit’ (pp. 15-32) where Gillon tries applying context-free rules of the English morphology-type on Sanskrit word formation and compounding and concludes that there are striking similarities between lexical structures of the two languages, although there are differences too-Sanskrit’s, for example, allows its entire compounds to the argument-structure of its non-head constituents.

There are other works where Sanskritic grammatical tradition has have been used to draw theoretical lessons for modern-day morphology. In ‘On the Development of Old Indian Etymological Studies’, Malaya Gangopadhyay (1995) discusses the classification of words in the ancient Indo-Aryan tradition, and argues that this tripartite categorization of vocabulary into (i) ‘perceptual’ to ‘factual’ (observational), (ii) ‘conceptual’ (metaphysical) knowledge, and (iii) ‘intuitional’ (experiential) can be made use of even in modern linguistics.

There have been other studies in the area of word formation which should be mentioned. H.R. Singh and G. Chandrakar (1993) in a joint paper on ‘Empirical Distribution of Word-length in Sanskrit Prose’, try to ascertain the distributional pattern of word-length-particularly compound Poisson distribution as against negative binomial distribution. This statistical study shows that of the two, the compound position offers a greater fit to the observed data. Similarly, Zoller's (1993) ‘A Note on Bangani' is in a similar vein, as here too one gets a number of problematic words which are so archaic that they could throw new light on Indo-European division of Satem and Kentum. S.K. Singh's (1993) work is more from the angle of establishing correlation between Maithili, Magahi and Bhojpuri verbs.

On issues such as reduplication in Indian languages across different families, this period has seen extensive studies such as Abbi (1992)-widely read and reviewed (see, especially Hasnain 1993a, b). But these are actually contributions to convergence studies. Yet another study in the area of convergence is C. Y. Singh's paper which brings out some common syntactic features shared by Hindi and Tibeto-Burman, dealing with the features of word order, reduplication, echo-words, conjunctive participle, onomatopoetic forms, etc.

Among other studies, Koul (1990) on particles is another work worth pointing out. On word formation, Chauhan"s descriptive account of the salient features of Kangri-an Indo-Aryan variety of Western Pahari-shows some otherwise unattested features in Indo-Aryan. Coming to morphology and numismatics, there is Patnaik (1993a) making certain observations on the personal name-formations in Oriya. The most refreshingly new work on morphology was published by Singh and Agnihotri (1997).

3.3. Syntax

Talking about the verbals in syntax, there is Van Gelderen (1993) who argues against Mahajan's work (1990), where the agreement between verb and nominative NP is explained by positing categories such as AGRO. The author tries to explain this phenomenon by a Spec-Head agreement instead. In fact, Indian Linguistics volume 56 (1995) has several papers on Indic. It begins with Raina's, ‘The Verb Second Phenomenon in Kashmiri’, which compares the Kashmiri phenomenon with Dutch and German. She first considered accounting for the verb-second phenomenon by a syntactic movement of [V-TENSE] to the right adjacency of the first constituent, but later argued against it in favor of an analysis which treats it as a PF-level reordering of constituents. Patnaik's study (1996) on Oriya emphatic particles in NIJ and NIJE (1996) or Raina (1996) who studied a non-argument question particle in content questions are other important studies. Similarly, Gillon (1995) deals with word order in classical Sanskrit and its descriptive problems.

On the problem of ‘Aaphora’, Dasgupta and Shah (1995), Montaut (1992) and (1993) are worth mentioning. The area has generated a lot of interest, culminating in both interesting doctoral dissertations during this period and interesting conferences. Just as there has been research in frontier areas in syntax, there have also been stray syntactic descriptions.

Indian Linguistics (1994), volume 55 has two interesting papers on Kashmiri. The first is Kashi Wali's ‘Kashmiri Clitics and Ergative Case’ (pp. 77-96) where she argues that the lexical case needs to be analyzed as a bundle of features at the surface level. In fact, the structure of Kashmiri clitics helps us unravel the complex structure of agreement inflection which controls both nominative and ergative subjects, and assigns abstract case. In the other paper, Altaha in his 'Kashmiri causative construction and the anti-passive analysis' (pp. 1-22) argued on the basis of verb agreement, case marking, passive and quantifier floating that Kashmiri causatives involve causative clause union. But in this paper, Hindi was only one among half a dozen languages from which data were gathered; the main aim was to prove a theoretical point in on-going debates in general linguistics.

There have been a number of studies on case during this period. Although Davison's (1993) interest has been mainly in the experiential subjects, and Manjali (1997) concentrated on something more abstract, such as sentence meaning, semantic archetypes and the Kaaraka theory, Mohanan's (1993) work on case alternation was more down to earth. And so has been Sharma (1992) on case in Gojri. Patnaik (1994) was also theoretically oriented, as he made comparisons between the concept of 'Karta' and 'Subjects'. Similarly, Sarma (1995) has a paper on 'Karta and Animacy' which draws upon the grammatical concepts of Sanskrit grammatical tradition.

There have been others who worked on more contentious issues like ergativity. Kashi Wali's (1994) work on Kashmiri ergatives and Khokhlova's (1992) paper on the development of ergativity in New Indo-Aryan are quite solid contributions, but they would probably find mention also in the surveys on Russia and North America. Abbi (1991) is trying to find out the conditions and constraints within which the dative subjects in Hindi and other Indic (also in Dravidian) sentences like mujhe dukh hai occur. She tries to present three arguments based on which she renames these as 'Non-agentive Subject Constructions'. Syntactically, experiential and non-experiential typically take these S-initial OOs blocking Vagr, exercising anaphoric control and conjunction reduction. Semantically, they are involuntary and non-agentive in nature - showing a kind of passivity and their identification depends on topic and focus. Altaha's (1994) study on Kashmiri causative construction and the anti- passive analysis should also find mention as an important study in this context.

Studies on pronominalization (cf. especially Dasgupta 1990b, 1992a, and 1992b) and reflexivization (cf. Harbert and Vaneeta Srivastava Dayal 1994 or Montaut 1993) have also enriched Indic linguistics in India. The reviews in Indian Linguistics have been the most rewarding for morpho-syntacticians, Consider Joshi's 1993 review of Kashi Wali's (1990),'Marathi Syntax: A Study of Reflexives' in IL 53, or Patyal (1992) who came up with a very lengthy review of Hock's Studies in Sanskrit Syntax. In the other journal, IJDL, Anantha- narayana (1995) also reviewed Hock's work in detail. Similarly, Satish's doctoral dissertation turned into a monograph A Linguistic Study of Jaunsari (published 1990) and was analyzed by Svetislav Kostic in IL in 1992. Dasgupta (1994) published a review of Lakshmi Bai and Mukherji's anthology of papers on tense and aspects in Indian Languages.

There were papers on 'contrastive' syntax, see especially C. Y. Singh (1993), already mentioned earlier. On the question of perfectivity/aspect, Chakraborty (1992), Dasgupta (1993e), Lakshmi Bai and Mukherji (1993) and

Dasgupta (1994) have cut across languages. In Osmania Papers in Linguistics, there are some interesting 'comparative' perspectives that emerge from the essays included in this volume. While Rao's (1992) 'Phrasal verbs in Telugu, Bengali and Nepali' (pp. 1-14) brings out many non-accidental features of comparison between Dravidian and these two Indo-Aryan languages. Contrast this with Bapuji's (1992) contrastive studies to bring in all academic efforts for comparison of minor vocabulary. The most interesting was, of course, the somewhat challenging essay on ergativity in NIA by Khokhlova (1992). On Assamese, in comparison with Bengali, there has been only one brief note by Barua (1994) on 'Indirect speech'. Hook and Koul (1992b) compared reflective possessives in Kashmiri and Hindi-Urdu to propose a theoretical point about what they called the' Antecedancy Hierarchy'.

Subbarao (1997) considers the convergence phenomenon from the view- point of Indian linguist's contribution to the notion of 'India as a Linguistic Area'. Suraj Bhan Singh (1997) offers his own perspective on genetic classification of Indic languages. In fact, quite interestingly-and not necessarily scientifically, Bora, in a seven part-essay titled 'Bhaaratiiya bhaaSaa parivaar', published in Samakaaliina Bhaaratiiya Saahitya (Hindi), volume 69 onwards, has challenged the traditional classifications (both genealogical and structural) offered by historical-comparative linguists for all these decades. Nagaraja (1993) also has a paper on the notion of linguistic convergence between Korku and Indo-Aryan, especially in morphonology. Jagannathan (1997) has also looked at the problem of language convergence, but described it as a confluence of the codes.

Sinha's 1993 paper on 'Raising to object' position, Vaneeta Srivastav's (1993) paper on restrictive relatives in Hindi, and three studies on ‘Agreement' (Bhat [1993] on Hindi, Genetti [1993] on Nepali and Raina [1994] on Kashmiri) and a few on nominals, such as Shah (1996) (on Gerundial constructions) and Butt(1993)on the infinitives in Hindi-Urdu are other studies that could be mentioned.

n 4. Applied Linguistics

Coming to different applied areas in lndic linguistics, we have a large number of important studies which could be described under five sections.

§ 4.1. Sociolinguistics and Dialectology

In the area of bilingualism, one could mention Choudhry (1993) who published an essay on 'Measurement of Bilingualism in the Indian Context', in which there is a passing reference to Bengali bilinguals along with Telugu and English bilingual children in a quantitative framework. But the focus here is on methodology rather than on lndic languages. Kaur's (1993a) paper on Dasgupta (1994) have cut across languages. In Osmania Papers in Linguistics, there are some interesting 'comparative' perspectives that emerge from the essays included in this volume. While Rao's (1992) 'Phrasal verbs in Telugu, Bengali and Nepali' (pp. 1-14) brings out many non-accidental features of comparison between Dravidian and these two Indo-Aryan languages. Contrast this with Bapuji's (1992) contrastive studies to bring in all academic efforts for comparison of minor vocabulary. The most interesting was, of course, the somewhat challenging essay on ergativity in NIA by Khokhlova (1992). On Assamese, in comparison with Bengali, there has been only one brief note by Barua (1994) on 'Indirect speech'. Hook and Koul (1992b) compared reflective possessives in Kashmiri and Hindi-Urdu to propose a theoretical point about what they called the' Antecedancy Hierarchy'.

Subbarao (1997) considers the convergence phenomenon from the viewpoint of Indian linguist's contribution to the notion of 'India as a Linguistic Area'. Suraj Bhan Singh (1997) offers his own perspective on genetic classification of Indic languages. In fact, quite interestingly-and not necessarily scientifically, Bora, in a seven part-essay titled 'Bhaaratiiya bhaaSaa parivaar', published in Samakaaliina Bhaaratiiya Saahitya (Hindi), volume 69 onwards, has challenged the traditional classifications (both genealogical and structural) offered by historical-comparative linguists for all these decades. Nagaraja (1993) also has a paper on the notion of linguistic convergence between Korku and Indo-Aryan, especially in morphonology. Jagannathan (1997) has also looked at the problem of language convergence, but described it as a confluence of the codes.

4. Applied Linguistics

Coming to different applied areas in lndic linguistics, we have a large number of important studies which could be described under five sections.

§ 4.1. Sociolinguistics and Dialectology

Coming to the sociolinguistics of ancient and medieval India (thanks to the interest generated by earlier studies by Deshpande and Mahulkar), Joshi's (1997) 'Sanskrit, A Spoken Language?' and Kunjunni Raja's (1997) 'Wasn't Sanskrit a Spoken Language?' present to us scope for an interesting debate. Menon's 1996 review article on the 'Mleccha: The evolution of its significance' is also in the same tradition.

In 'Hindi-English code-mixing', Rajendra Singh (1995) explores the patterns of code-mixing in Hindi and English to create an index of bilingual proficiency, where both grammars are simultaneously available to the speakers. Although this work looks at an Indic language to create data for those interested in this area, the focus is on building a general theory of code-mixing. There has also been a review of Goswami's (1994) well-documented survey report on the 'Code-switching in Lhanda'.

Fatihi (1996) is a contribution to the area of language and mass media which is fast coming up as an important area of study in India with several dissertations that have been produced at different centers of research. Mahapatro and Das (1996) is, in comparison, a more conventional kind of study, reminding one of the seminar on politeness hierarchy that took place in the 1970s in Osmania University. Verma (1993) too worked on politeness strategies in Bhojpuri and Magahi. Gambhir (1994) has a paper relating grammatical structure and social contexts. Kaul's work on sociolinguistic structure of Kashmiri is only a review of Koul's (1987) book in this area.

§ 4.2. Language Problems and Language Planning

There have been quite a few interesting studies on the problems of creating a standard language. South Asian language specialists have looked at the problem from different perspectives. While Dua (1991) and Southworth (1991) discusses the social context of standardization, Rajyashree (1991) talks about the consequences of printing on the written language (as in Marathi). Similarly, Bandyopadhyay (1991) studies different dialects spoken in and around Calcutta and the problem of choice in the context of standardization of Bengali, and so does Ramdev Jha (1995), who describes the formation of medieval Maithili prose standard. But Beg (1991) only touches upon the standardization of Urdu script. There are some who talk about innovations and neologisms and development of different registers, as in Hasnain (1991). Contrast these with Patyal's (1993) note on 'Some Comments on the Narrative prose of the Brahmanas' tries to trace a gradual historical development of the narrative style-with particular reference to the 'Black-Yajur' period in OIA. The influence studies such as Kunjunni Raja (1992), where he traces Sanskrit influence on the development of Malayalam is also worth mentioning in this context. The descriptive note on 'Language planning and Konkani' by Misra (1993) also deals with this problem. In comparison, Misra's 1990 study on 'Public Notice Language', viewed from the angle of translation, is a contribution to a specific register.

Annamalai (1997a) has another piece on the language problem of India, which could be looked at together with Bhattacharya (1994) and Menon (1997) which is a review of Khubchandani (1997) Revisualizing Boundaries: A Pluri- lingual Ethos.

There have been some essays on language and politics, and especially language conflicts. S.K Singh (1997) touches upon the problem of development of a nexus among language, caste and politics in north India-something which Brass had done long ago in 1974. An essay by Palanithurai (1992) is devoted to language conflict in the Tamil-Hindi situation in India, and he compares it with the Canadian situation. In fact, he also came up with a full-length book (cf. Palanithurai 1993) which was reviewed in detail by Jayal (1993). The study is significant because here the lessons in resolving language conflicts in Canada have been brought to bear upon the situation of strife created by anti-Hindi movements in India. Tiwari (1995) published a longish monograph-length work as an essay on the problem of language deprivation among the socially disadvantaged in Bihar which must be mentioned as an important work here.

Recently, Sage came out with an anthology in the broad area of sociolinguistics (see Rajendra Singh, Dasgupta and Lele 1995) which has some interesting studies in Indic sociolinguistics. The anthology, entitled Explorations in Indian Sociolinguistics, has been reviewed extensively by Abbi (1997) and Rizvi (1997) in the same issue IJOAL, and also by Annamalai (1997b) elsewhere.

On dialect studies, there were about a dozen studies but most were dialect dictionaries. Lakshmi Bai (1997) was an exception though as it dealt with varieties of Hindi. Almeida's indepth review of Rajathi and Kulasreshtha's (1987) A Survey of Konkani in Kamataka, Goa, and Maharashtra, published as a language monograph by the Census was another exception. Yet another longish review article which fell in this category was Dasgupta (1990c) which analysed Udaya Narayana Singh and Maniruzzaman's (1987) study on 'Diglossia in Bangladesh and Language Planning' seriously. Mishra's (1995) work on the Purnea dialect could also be mentioned here.

§ 4.3. Psycholinguistics and Language Teaching

Agnihotri (1990) gave a sociopsychological perspective on reading ability, Khanna (1990) on Hindi speakers' proficiency in English and additional correlates. In another work in Kaur(1993b), while talking about language transfer and overgeneralization hypothesis based on Panjabi data, argued that the process of learning a second language is based on the hypotheses and theories constructed by the learners and not on structural differences between the source and target languages. If accepted, this will have general theoretical repercussion and will be applicable to more than just the contrast between Indo-Aryan and English alone.

As language teaching material Koul 's Hindi Phonetic Reader, brought out by the CIIL in 1994 (and its review by KVVLN Rao [1995] should be mentioned). Dwivedi (1990) was also meant to be a course-book on Devanagari (Hindi) writing system. In the area of language teaching and testing, one could mention Kaur (1996) who worked on impact of sociolinguistic and achievement indicators on ESL proficiency of Panjabi speakers.

Nandan (1993) and Zaidi (1993), like Kaul (1993b), are both reviews of Urdu teaching materials. Koul (1992b) is a review of Bhatia's ‘A History of Hindi Grammatical Tradition'. Koul and Madhu Bala (1992) give us an annotated bibliography of researches done on Panjabi language which has been reviewed by Gupta (1992). Similarly, Puar (1991) published The Panjabi Verb Form and Function from Panjabi University, Patiala. These continued with the existing' tradition of publishing linguistic descriptions such as Bhat's (1987) work A Descriptive Study of Kashmiri, which Kaul (1992) reviewed. Pattanayak (1997) and Sarkar (1997) have two assessment papers on Suniti Kumar Chatterji's contributions to writing of grammars of NIA languages.

§ 4.4. Lexicography and Etymology

In the area of lexicography, Patnaik (1993a) has an interesting essay on 'Personal Names in Oriya' where he traces different kinds of tendencies in the Oriya speech community-often the children having highly anglicized pet names have fairly Sanskritized formal names. The tendency to look for uncommon names often takes people down memory lane-often to the Puranas and Upanishads. But names of these goddesses are not very popular. In comparison, abstract nouns are very much sought after. Kuiper's (1992) study on Rigvedic loanwords could also be mentioned here. Koul (1992a) brought out an interesting study in lexicography when he published his Dictionary of Kashmiri Proverbs which was reviewed by Kaul (1994).

Alam (1995) lists some English idioms and phrases in Modern Urdu literature which deal with expressions in different genres. Patyal (1995) identifies 23 archaic words in some Western Pahari dialects and presents their possible etymology. These words were somehow missing in Turner's A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages.

Saha (1996) described new additions of dialectal vocabulary and dictionaries to the Bengali sections of the IJDL library. These dialectal dictionaries were published recently by Bandyopadhyay (1991), Bhattacharya (1990) and Basu Ray and Chattopadhyay (1990). Similarly, Subramanian (1994) is a detailed review of Schmidt's (1993) Dictionary of Modern Nepali. Schmidt (1994) herself has reviewed Kusum Khemani's Illustrated Hindi Dictionary for Children.

Jha's (1996) work on 'Lexical Meaning' was meant to be for understanding the Sanskrit Sastric tradition in lexicography.

R.A. Singh (1997), in this posthumously published account, discusses the seeds of great lexicographical work in the ODBL of S.K. Chatterji. While commenting on Suniti Kumar Chatterji's contributions to OIA, Sen (1997) does the same thing.

§ 4.5. Stylistics and 'Semiotics

Under the 'Discourse' component within both syntactic and stylistic traditions, several papers have come up recently: Kachru's (1993) 'Notes on Discourse Markers in Hindi', Bhatia's (1993) 'Discourse Treatment and the Hindi Grammatical Tradition'. Prem Singh too has a paper on 'Indo-Iranian: Some Observations on Discourse'. In fact, sociosemantic studies have not been very many either. We get Madhu Bala (1992) and Mahapatra (1991) who worked on 'The domain of colours: An ethnolinguistic study'.

There are not very large number of published works on translation that specifically deal with an Indic language, except Bandyopadhyay (1997) on Bengali and Udaya Narayana Singh (1994) on Oriya, Bengali and Hindi technical terms. However, on topics related to translation, several studies have begun appearing with Indic as focus and there seems to be a healthy trend of research developing in this area; e.g. Bandyopadhyay (1997), Bharathi et al. (1995), Dadegaonkar (1992), Dadegaonkar and Banhatti (1993), Desai and Tharu (1995), Misra (1990), Mohanty (1993, 1995), Mukherjee and Sharma (1996), Sengupta (1997) Udaya Narayana Singh (1991, 1992b, 1992-93b, 1993a, 1993b, 1994), Singh and Pandey (1994), Singh and Pattanayak (1990) and Swarajyalakshmi and Mukherji (1996).

5. Residual Areas

In other areas of sociolinguistics, there have been only a few publications. For instance, on caste dialect: S.K. Singh (1997); on language choice: Bapuji (1992), Fatihi (1991, 1996), and Hasnain (1991); on language and gender: Abbi (1991), Desai and Tharu (1995); and on language maintenance and shift: Kaur (1993a). Language use studies have had some publications: Annamalai (1997), Bapuji (1992), Menon (1997) Dimock, Kachru and Krishnamurti (1992), Gambhir (1994), Khanna (1990), Puar (1991), Madhu Bala (1992, 1994), and Hasnain (1991).

The entire volume under South Asian Language Review, 5.2 (June 1995) is devoted to futuristics in respect of linguistic studies in India. Since so many Indo-Aryanists have contributed essays on the prospect of linguistics in India in the next decade, it is something that all researchers working on Indic should be looking for. In fact, in the intervening period, there has been a lot of stock- taking done in respect of individual languages, such as Modi (1992) (on Gujarati), Gomes (1992) (on Konkani).

There have also been more generalized surveys. One instance is Rajendra Singh (1992) who wrote on American sociolinguistics and South Asia studies. Another, a survey on convergence by Jagannathan (1997) (both syntactic and grammatical convergence) is also worth mentioning. In contrast, there were also highly language-specific surveys. For instance, Bandyopadhyay (1996) in an interesting essay called ’Archaeology of BangIa grammar', describes the construction of early Bengali grammatical tradition.

On writing system, there had been very little work, excepting a few reviews such as Winters (1996) review of Parpola (1994) 'Deciphering the Indian script and Fairservis' The Harappan Civilization and its Writing, and yet another review of Parpola by Mahadevan (1997). There have been a few other minor studies on writing system of different Indic languages, which include Beg (1991), Dwivedi (1990) (reviewed by Bhat 1992), Koul (1991) (reviewed by Fatihi 1992), and two essays on script planning and allographic variation by Mohanty (1992c) and (1996a) and one by Rajyashree (1991) discussing consequences of printing on written Marathi.

One does not know whether Woodward's 1993 paper on 'Genetic classification of Indian sign language varieties' in IJOAL 19.1 should fall under any discussion on Indic languages or not, but it is important to know from this essay and from the earlier studies such as Vasishta, Woodward and Wilson (1978) as well as from series of studies by Vasishta, Woodward and De Sanatis on the sign language varieties used in Delhi (1980), Bangalore (1985), Bombay (1986) and Calcutta (1987), that no matter what the differences are between Indo-Aryan and Dravidian and other languages in India, the varieties of sign languages of India are not such that there could be scope for a lot of structural distance. It is also an important conclusion that these varieties do not directly relate to different Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages but at the same time, it is surely a distinct sign language compared to American or British sign languages.

6. Concluding Remarks

In a land fraught with so many contradictions-linguistic, cultural, ethnic, religious, and even intellectual-language had been an expression of both 'free' self of man as well as that of man as a social animal, and that it is up to the Indian linguists to reconstruct the nature of this ,'freedom' and 'bondage', and discover the missing or apparently invisible undercurrent of similarities (of both language structure and language practices) among Indian languages. India and Indic languages have in the recent times been subjected to both macro- vs. micro-linguistic analyses and have been closely scrutinized within different theoretical frameworks. Indian languages, over the centuries, have proven to be both unifying and dividing force and applied linguistic studies reported here have all in some way or the other tried to capture this fact. As can be seen from the accompanying bibliography, language birth, language split, language merger, language maintenance, shift of language loyalties, and language deaths-all such topics of wonder which have always raised problems for students of language have also interested Indian scholars. Just as the Western theories of linguistics and sociolinguistics have influenced them, there has also been an interest to revive and rediscover the intellectual heritage of Indian linguistics in the recent years. That is surely reassuring. In course of time, many disciplines have been made and unmade. Even within the narrow universe of linguistics, many theories and techniques have been proposed and disposed. It would thus need a lot of courage and hard work for Indian linguists to chart out a relatively independent and interesting course of research. My only regret is that minor Indic tongues and the varieties of the underprivileged have not been paid much attention in the recent decades.

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